Versione Italiana
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Joseph Yossi Beilin is one of the figures who shaped the history of the Israeli attempt to reach an agreement with the Palestinians. Born in Israel in 1948, he studied political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and earned a doctorate in political science. He was a member of the Knesset for several decades, holding ministerial posts such as Minister without Portfolio, Minister of Justice, and Minister of the Economy. Yitzhak Rabin’s right-hand man in the negotiations for the Oslo Accords (1993), which led to mutual recognition between Israel and the PLO, he went on to found the Shalom Achshav (Peace Now) movement. Today, at 78, he continues to argue that the only alternative to “permanent war” is the search for a political solution.
Talking about peace between Israelis and Palestinians today seems almost an exercise out of time. After October 7, 2023 and nearly three years of war, after the destruction of Gaza (now razed to the ground) and the deep crisis that has gripped Israeli society, the word “peace” seems to many unrealistic, or even naive.
And yet Yossi Beilin keeps talking about it.
Today, though, the starting point is very different from that of Oslo. October 7 represented a profound rupture: Hamas showed that the conflict could explode in a form Israel had never seen nor foreseen. Benjamin Netanyahu’s conviction that he could manage the Palestinian problem indefinitely proved to be illusory.
However, in Beilin’s view, the response cannot be only military. Israel must ask itself what the strategic objective of the war is and, above all, what it wants to build afterward. Military force can strike Hamas, but alone it cannot resolve the political problem at the root of the conflict.
Indeed, this is probably one of the most important strategic mistakes Israel has made in recent years: thinking it could indefinitely postpone the Palestinian question, letting the situation become increasingly difficult to change. The presence and expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank are greatly complicating the possibility of creating a Palestinian state – which is clearly the settlers’ intention.
Sooner or later, Israel will have to decide between the path of de facto annexation, or that of keeping the two-state prospect open.
Beilin proposes a confederation that would allow settlers residing in Palestinian territory to keep their Israeli citizenship, and would offer Palestinians residing in Israel the possibility of obtaining Palestinian citizenship. It is estimated that around three hundred thousand settlers would live in Palestinian territory (today, settlers number roughly five hundred thousand in all).
In Gaza too, a question arises that Israel cannot avoid: who will govern the territory after the war?
Beilin considers Donald Trump’s twenty-point plan, also signed by Netanyahu, which provides for the establishment of a Palestinian state. Netanyahu now says he will never allow a Palestinian state, but, as usual, he is lying. The answer cannot be that of the current government: “no to Hamas.” A credible alternative must be put forward.
Beilin has argued for years that such an alternative cannot work without a Palestinian component. This inevitably means a role for Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas). Beilin is in continuous contact with Abu Mazen, who is a much-weakened and controversial figure, but one who cannot simply be ignored, as Netanyahu does. If Israel truly wants to build a new political reality, it must engage with a recognizable Palestinian leadership and with interlocutors capable of taking on responsibilities.
This is a very different line of reasoning from the one that has prevailed in recent years. One should not try to eliminate the Palestinian problem from the Israeli political scene. It must once again be regarded for what it is: a political question that requires a political solution.
This does not mean forgetting October 7, nor ignoring the threat posed by Hamas. It means, rather, distinguishing between the fight against Hamas and the future of the Palestinians. Hamas cannot be considered the only possible representative of the Palestinian people. On the contrary, one of the goals of an Israeli strategy should be to create the conditions for an alternative Palestinian leadership to emerge, one capable of governing Gaza and engaging in relations with Israel.
However, to make this change possible, the daily relationship between Israelis and Palestinians must be changed.
A compelling argument, one that Beilin himself makes, is economic cooperation. Show the Palestinians that having a relationship with Israel can mean greater security, jobs, development, and the possibility of building a future for themselves.
Peace is not just a signature on a piece of paper. It must become a concrete advantage for both peoples.
The hardest point to accept in the current situation is that Israel’s security and the Palestinians’ future are not necessarily opposing goals. After Oslo, after the failures of the negotiation attempts that followed, after the Second Intifada, and, finally, after October 7, trust has almost disappeared. However, according to Beilin, this is precisely why it is necessary to start thinking again about a long-term strategy.
The question, then, is not whether it is easy to talk about peace today – the question is whether Israel can afford not to.
Yossi Beilin belongs to the generation that believed Israelis and Palestinians could reach a historic compromise. Many of his hopes have been defeated by events. But his position remains relevant: if there is no political solution, the conflict will continue.
Today, peace may seem very far off. But the alternative is not between peace and war. It lies in the prospect of a permanent war, as the far right, which is ascendant in Israel today, proposes.
In two months, there will be new elections for the Israeli Parliament (the Knesset): we must face them with great hope for change.
Cover image: Abu Mazen with Yossi Beilin, 1993
L’articolo “An Alternative to Permanent War.” A Conversation with Yossi Beilin proviene da ytali..
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